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Bujagali: Remembering Rippon Falls

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As Ugandans around the world silently await the destruction of yet more of Uganda’s ecology by the hands of our government, Henry Kiiwa Musoke speaks up and hopes to save Bujagali from corporate greed. Just like the Rippon Falls before it, Bujagali Falls will soon cease to exist.

A good number of us, Ugandans, do not have any idea what “Rippon Falls” is- or was for that matter. We have no idea what kind of beautiful scenery this area of Uganda was. We cannot fathom why, in the 19th century, it was this that brought Speke, and hundreds of others immediately after him, to this heart of Africa that was so hidden from, and yet sought by, the rest of the world. As these explorers gasped at its magnificence, the Rippon Falls was simply a neighbor in our midst, some backdrop to our daily lives. Now this neighbor no longer exists, as the Rippon Falls, once known as the Source of the Nile, once the source to the longest river in the world as it left from Lake Victoria on its way to Egypt, is submerged by something we are more familiar with- the Owen Falls Dam.

The destruction of the Rippon Falls and the ugly, rusty, aging concrete monster left behind can almost be forgiven to lessons from the past. During the 1940s, there was a growing move towards huge HEP plants in all corners of the world. But that was more than half a century ago and many lessons have since been learned, and the rest of the world has come up with solutions that have less of an impact on a region’s ecology.

 

About ten kilometers away from the buried Rippon Falls, is a still vibrant cousin. The Bujagali Falls are not so high of a drop but the enormous volumes of water, passing through with enough speed that the waters become white, make these rapids a site to see. Bujagali, whose banks are adorned with unique carpets of vegetation and life, has a lot to offer. Hundreds of tourists flock here as nature lovers, to see unseen varieties of birds and plants, as well as to do some intense white water rafting.

All this is known by the World Bank and the Ugandan Government as they move ahead with plans to build a 200-megawatt dam near Bujagali. They know very well what happened to Rippon Falls and they are well aware of the future of Bujagali Falls, if they continue with their plans. They have ignored all other sources of energy and alternatives to large dams, choosing to emphasize on Uganda’s desperate need for energy. They are well aware that a good number of us still use charcoal to cook even when availed with electricity in our homes. So where is this huge demand?

 

Uganda has no major thriving big city that warrants a continuous and deliberate destruction of our ecology to meet energy needs. What is abundant in Uganda is a good number of corrupt government officials collaborating with the less obvious but even more corrupt officials from agencies in Kampala, working for groups such as the World Bank.

The world already knows how corrupt African government officials are. What they need to look at is what often feeds that corruption. Surprisingly this corruption is initiated and fanned by the donors themselves under the veil of giving aid. Away from the checks and balances of western-like information hungry media, good record-keeping and much more, these officers get away with a lot when they are in Africa acting as distributors and financial controllers of the aid. Then there are those donors from country A that give aid, which the rest of us call LOANS, to African governments so that these governments can pay a particular company in country A to come to Africa and complete a lucrative contract such as building a huge dam. To make sure the right company gets the contract, bribes are exchanged and so on. No one is watching them in Africa where record keeping documents are so easily forged.

 

Why the World Bank insists on a project that many everyday Ugandans are clearly against is puzzling. Any Ugandan who knows their economy would tell you that they need the tourist more than the electricity, which is so disorganized in its distribution that it has become too expensive for a good majority of Ugandans. Ugandans have lived with power cuts for years and should be able to wait a little longer for better and less grandeur solutions.

There is actually now a thriving economy in Uganda that lives off of power cuts making it almost okay to be without power. For example, many Kampalans remain in town after work, when they know it is their turn for the lights to go out at their places of residence. Apart from improving people’s social skills of interaction without computers or television sets, this has provided good revenue for many bars, restaurants and hang outs that Kampala now has an extremely busy nightlife. One cannot be bored in Kampala when the sun goes down, any day of the week.

Unfortunately, it seems, our governments are still colonized, and the ordinary Africans are never well represented in these chess games with the West.

UPDF Finds Kony Arms Cache

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THE UPDF has unearthed large quantities of Joseph Kony’s arms in southern Sudan.

The army also killed two LRA rebels and captured three others during a battle at Atepi river valley in southern Sudan recently.

The UPDF’s 503 Brigade public relations officer, Lieutenant Robert Kamara, said, “We recovered 94 tins of 12.7mm anti-aircraft ammunition, five tins of machine-gun ammunition, one solar plate, one long-range radio communication system and RPG pipes, among others.”

Kamara said that among the captured rebels is Kony’s wife, identified only as Adong, together with her baby girl and a rebel signaller identified only as Lieutenant Ojara.

He added that the army recovered food and other items that the rebels had looted but had dropped while fleeing the UPDF.

Bidandi Ssali Responds to Museveni

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Bidandi Ssali

BIDANDI Ssali resigned as second vice-chairperson of the National Resistance movement Organisation late last year. In the letter below, he addresses issues President Yoweri Museveni raised in the letter in which he accepted the resignation

The Chairman
Interim Executive Committee
National Resistance Movement

Your Excellency,

This is in reference to your response to my letter of resignation as second vice-chairman of the Interim Executive Committee of NRM. I am sorry I could not respond earlier because I was sick as you have been aware. For the record, however, I thought it was important for me to comment on some of your ‘opinions’ which I believe are wrong.

Uganda’s problem
On the claim that I am the leader of those who say that the main problem of Uganda is Museveni, Mr. Chairman, I find it strange; very strange indeed that I, Bidandi Ssali who spearheaded your presidential campaigns so committedly in 1996 and 2001, only two years later turns out to be the leader of those who say that the mainstream problem of Uganda is Museveni.

I say you are wrong Mr. Chairman in holding this view. I am not your enemy in any way; nor have I been your opponent. I am simply a sincere colleague who has committed himself to the service of this country as you have and who has always given his views objectively in the interest of Uganda.

What you call “inhibitions” is actually a simple caution from a sincere friend, given the fact that our contract with the people of Uganda as per your manifesto was that 2001-2006 would be your last term as president in accordance with our constitution which we painstakingly made hardly 10 years ago. I remember the only recorded reservation you expressed was on the provisions on land and the abolition of the name National Resistance Army.

Foundation for movement ideas and principles
Your Excellency, when we met at the International conference Centre and resolved to form the NRM, the intention was to create an institution which would house our collective ideas and principles for the governance and development of this country. It is the founding of this institution and at the same time VEHICLE to carry our embodiment from generation to generation, that is the issue I was addressing – NOT the origin of those ideas and principles.

After all I believe Mr. Chairman that every generation builds on the highest achievements of the previous one, the latter moulding and perfecting them to serve the new never-static environment as society evolves.

A close scrutiny of the 10-point programme will reveal that over 70% of its content has its roots in the Uganda patriotic Movement manifesto drafted by a small committee of our colleagues, including late Mugenyi, the late Bakulumpagi and Rwakakooko. They, in turn, promised them on the aims and objectives of UNLF. When we are off the scene those coming after us may author 20 or 30-point programmes as may be dedicated by the political and economic environment.

Look at the generation that evolved the Mutongole, Muluka, Gombolola, etcetera structure. I doubt whether anybody today can tag a name or names of those who originated the concept. Look at the generation that adopted that structure and renamed them sub-parishes, parishes and sub-counties. Recall the structure and operation of Mayumba 10 under the late Mwalimu Julius Nyerere or during the UNLF and relate these to the RC turned LC structure of the Movement. They all seem to share the same unknown grandsires who existed before us and obviously before the NRM.

The point I am making Mr. chairman is that the “new document” circulated at Kyankwanzi was a summation of what you and us your colleagues always discussed in different places for an including Cabinet, sub-committees, workshops, etcetera. You remember we had even come up with a 15-point programme amending the earlier 10-point programme.

If you look closer again, much of what is contained in all those documents (our vision) is shared by sister countries like Tanzania, south Africa, Botswana, Kenya and others, where some are already ahead of us. With those realities, it is difficult for anyone or group to claim ownership of originality.

insults
To the claim that I am insulting you, Mr. Chairman, my family upbringing and political mentoring moulded me well in dealing with my elders or leaders. I never insult them and if that is what you discerned in my letter then I owe you an apology. However, that upbringing and political mentoring also inculcated in me a clear conscience whenever I have expressed my views or tendered my advice to you as my leader on matters where I feel you are going astray to our detriment, and to the detriment of the country. Certainly you may disagree with my views or refuse to heed my advice, but you will be totally wrong to label them insults.

Funds
the claim that when funds are not passed through me it becomes dishing out money, insinuations apart, Mr. Chairman the point I was making was aimed at protecting the NRM as a party governed by the Political parties and Organisations Act which demands one to account for the sources of party finances.

The source of the funds I handled as your task force vice-chairman in 1996 and 2001 was owned by my candidate Mr. Museveni who under a different law accounted for it to the electoral commission. The source of that money had nothing to do with the MOVEMENT.
It is in this vein that I say that the MPs money was not sourced by the NRM-O but by the chairman of the Interim Executive Committee as an individual. Hence your statement, “I authorised it” instead of, “the IEC authorised it.”

On the statement, “Undermine the cohesion of the movement… I will oppose you,” Mr. Chairman I assure you that in all my communication with you on matters of the future of our country, I have never done so with the intention of undermining the Movement. On the contrary the thriving intrigues perpetuated by palace politicians around you is undermining the Movement. It is these intrigues that have alienated many of us your colleagues, friends and others who form the NRM.

Your own Prime Minister, hopefully not shedding crocodile tears, has given testimony to the prevalence of intrigues which according to him “were undermining” the Movement. He was addressing movement members of Parliament, according to the press.

Succession
On Bidandi Ssali is “vehement” in his stand that the constitution must be arranged in such a way that Museveni will never again provide top leadership, Mr chairman, you are definitely imputing wrong motives on my part. Surely I am not the one talking of rearranging the constitution. It is your lieutenants the kisanja crusaders who are campaigning for the rearrangement of the Constitution so that you can stand again come 2006. They are busy manipulating and blackmailing the population and prophesy doom if Museveni does not come back in 2006 with claims like, “there is nobody in the country who can take over from Museveni”.

My plea was and still is that we, under your leadership, should not seem to be so vehement in rearranging the constitution in order for you to be President again. Mr. chairman, even at this late stage of our political transition, I still believe that you hold the key to a peaceful transition and the future stability of our country. This will not be by you providing “topmost leadership”, that is by being president, but by honouring your promise in our manifesto and the provisions of the constitution you promulgated only 10 years ago.

One of our cardinal obligations to the future of this country as of now is to create and foster a political environment in which political institutions like the NRM can be established and to ensure democratic institutions which will ensure democratic and sustainable succession in the governance of this country.
They alone will produce your successor and the successors of those who will be Presidents after you.

As for individuals, I beseech you to believe that there are quite a number of capable Ugandans within the Movement and without, who can take over from you. All that is demanded of you and us your co-leaders is to support the process and eventually support whoever will emerge.

Other issues
Finally, Mr. Chairman, once again want to express my apprehension on other pertinent issues touching the NRM and the country.

For instance, the approach to the formation of NRM branches. It is very unfortunate that the third term saga has derailed the healthy formation of the NRM to such an extent that support for kisanja that is, Museveni determines support for the organisation. Every Uganda opposed to a kisanja for Museveni is automatically branded anti-NRM by many of those mobilising for the party.

Mr. Chairman any organisation founded around an individual is certainly bound in shallows and misery. It is also sad to watch cadres premising recruitment on financial promises and lures under the guise of fighting poverty.

Leadership insensitivity
It is amazing the way we leaders have become so insensitive and therefore unreactive to many of our actions, which have produced loud cries from the society. Take for example;

a)The way we have justified and even glorified the ‘facilitation of MPs with money and promises for more, just to go out and sell government policies, including the third term, which, they are supposed to debate and pronounce on in parliament. Even then, before the vote, an amendment must be effected so that provisions requiring secret ballot (on third term) is removed — Tubalabe (let us see them).

b) The mastermind behind the hatching of the omnibus bill – sheer arrogance and impunity on the part of the government. In this bill on opening up political space and removing term limits, the government has ordained that no Ugandan must say ‘NO’ to one and ‘YES’ to the other.

c) The way we are handling high profile corruption cases whose prima facie has been established by judicial commissions, some being shelved by dealing with them administratively while others directed to the courts of law leaving the public to impute different motives on the criteria.

d)The impunity and arrogance with which Kakooza Mutale trains youth brigades giving them military training under the guise of mobilising for the return of Museveni come 2006.

In doing all this however, the Movement Secretariat, the NRM or even the government cannot dare raise a finger.

The training, according to the press, also involves arms completely outside the legal provisions. I wonder what will happen if the youth of this country balkanise into armed wings in support of different political parties, especially during election campaigns!

Mr. Chairman, all this, and indeed much more than this, makes me apprehensive and worried having witnessed political events in Uganda since 1962, many of which are a replica of what is happening today.

Bidandi Ssali

Bwanika Shines at Africa’s First Presidential Debate

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Opposition political parties in Uganda on Wednesday revealed their strategy on a number of national issues including corruption, the northern Uganda question, the current electric power load shedding, education, health care as well as the economy and Gender issues.

This was during the joint Presidential candidates debate organized by the United States of America based International Republican Institute, a non-partisan, non profit making organization whose aim is to promote democracy around the world.

Independent candidate Dr. Abed Bwanika, Uganda Peoples Congress candidate, Mama Miria Kalule Obote attended in person the first ever-Presidential candidates debate in Africa that was broadcast live on Uganda Broadcasting Corporation Television.

Incumbent and National Resistance Movement candidate President Yoweri Museveni and his main rival, Forum for Democratic Change President, Dr. Kizza Besigye sent representatives. Democratic Party candidate, Sebaana Kizito did not appear because he was campaigning in Adjuman in the northwestern part of the country and had just survived an accident there.

Corruption:
Independent Presidential candidate, Dr. Abed Bwanika warned that should Ugandans vote him on February 23, he will not only arrest and imprison the culprits but will also sell off their property to recover money stolen.

He said that the money got from the sale of property belonging to the corrupt officials would go a long way in benefiting the rest of the people, as it will be channeled in people benefiting programs.

Bwanika, a former Makerere University Veterinary Medicine lecturer attacked government officials including former vice president, Specioza Kazibwe over corruption and other Ministers for living a luxurious lifestyle. Bwanika looking angry did not heed to the calls from the moderator not to attack personalities and said that Kazibwe, who is now doing her PhD at Harvard University joined politics with almost nothing but now has a lot of property and money.

Betty Kamya who represented the Forum for Democratic Change presidential candidate, Dr. Kizza Besigye said that his party is emphasizing zero tolerance to corruption. Kamya, who is FDC Presidents Special Envoy, said that her party will strengthen institutions like the police and the office of the Inspector General of Government by making them independent with no state interference. She says that FDC will ensure that the opposition heads graft-fighting agencies like the Inspectorate of Government because they have more interest in checking all tendencies of corruption. UPCs Miria Obote, a wife to former Uganda President Dr. Milton Obote also said her party will ensure that there is zero tolerance to corruption.

The northern Uganda question:
On the over a decade war in northern Uganda between the rebels Lords Resistance Army and the Uganda Peoples Defence Forces, all opposition candidates blamed the insurgency on the NRM government. Bwanika, UPC and FDC blamed the continued war in northern Uganda to lack of political will to end the conflict.

They concurred that the war in the northern part of the country can only be solved through negotiations. They blamed the ruling government for using both dialogue and war against the rebels.

According to the government, the strategy is effective because gun power forces the rebels into negotiations. The director of the governments media center, Robert Kabushenga, who represented President Museveni, said that the war in northern Uganda was almost over and that people were free to return home.

But Mrs. Obote said that one cannot talk about returning people back to their homes when there is no resettlement plan. Miria Obote said that people cannot return home when there are actually no homes to go to. There are no homes. You can only tell that there used to be a home when you find a mango tree in some sort of compound, she said.

Electricity power load shedding:
The most challenging to all candidates was the short-term measure to the load shedding in the country. Electricity power load shedding currently goes on for 24 hours, something that has affected businesses and increased power expenditures as people go for other power alternatives that are in most cases more expensive.

Kabushenga said that the government has already finalized plans to build a power station at Bujagali falls and another one at Karuma falls. He said that as a short-term measure, government was to produce 100 mega watts using thermo generation. Kabushenga downplayed claims that the decrease in the water levels was as a result of constructing two power stations at Owen falls dam, saying one is just a water channel.

However, Bwanika described Kabushengas claims as lies. Mr. Kabushenga forgets that he is talking to people whose understanding is above average. How can he says that there is only one dam at Owen falls dam, Bwanika asked, prompting the observers to cheer him. Dr. Bwanika said that he will take a bold decision and close one of the dams to ensure that there is reduced loss of water. He said that by doing this, there will be increased water to run the turbines and be able to increase power generation. He also attacked Kabushenga for saying that the current power load shedding is due to increased development brought about by the NRM government. Kabushenga had described the power crisis as not a crisis but a sign of development.

Bwanika wondered how the government could deceive people when the dam, which was meant to produce 360 mega watts, and is now producing about 170 mega watts as a result of the technical error of constructing a new dam. How can a reduction in power generation from 360 to 170 mega watts be a sign of development, he wondered.

FDC representative, Beti Kamya and UPC presidential candidate, Kalule Obote said that the NRM government had 20 years uninterrupted but failed to build even a single dam.

Kamya said that FDCs short-term strategy was to encourage the use of solar panels by subsiding them such that they are affordable to the majority of Ugandans while Obote said she will consult experts on the short-term measure. Both gave the building of new dams as their long-term strategy.

Education:
All candidates supported Universal Primary Education, which was introduced by the NRM but added that although it is a good program, it is not well managed.

UPCs Kalule said that the NRM stole their program but failed to implement it. She said that in 1980s, the Uganda Peoples Congress has started preparing the ground for UPE only for them to be overthrown.

UPC started by building Teacher Training Colleges to produce enough teachers for the UPE program. However, the NRM came and closed some when it was also introducing UPE, she said. Kalule promised to build more Primary Schools and reduce the student pupil ratio to 1 teacher to about 35 students.

For FDC, the UPE program will be improved by increasing pay for the teachers and fighting corruption in the school construction program and remove ghost UPE pupils from the roll. Kamya said that the figures by government do not rhyme with the total number of pupils finishing primary seven. She says there must be forgery involved.

Independent candidate, Bwanika said that he will improve the nutrition of the pupils by providing meals to pupils at school.

Health care:
The NRM noted that the problem of the health care system lies in the doctors who steal drugs meant for patients and take them to private clinics. Kabushenga said that the government has therefore banned doctors who operate private clinics from working in government health centers. He said that this will reduce on the number of doctors in these facilities and in the long run will lead to increase in pay for those who remain.

But Kamya said that the reason why the doctors do part time work and steal drugs from hospitals was that they do not get adequate pay. She said that FDC was going to increase the pay for doctors and increase medicine in the hospitals, noting that today, in many government health centers, one is required to buy a razor blade that costs only 50 shillings.

Miria Kalule said that whereas UPC managed to build tens of hospitals in the country, the NRM government has built none. However, Kabushenga interjected, saying the NRM government has been able to build health centers at sub county level.

General Economy:
Bwanika said that his government if elected will transform Uganda into a world food basket. He said that Uganda has a competitive advantage in terms of producing organic agricultural products, adding that the country has the sweetest pineapple in the whole world. Dr. Bwanika said that there is no way a country like South Africa can refuse Uganda from selling its products there when over 40 companies from South Africa are doing business in Uganda. He said that he would make it a condition that in exchange, South Africa and other countries accept Ugandan products if they are to do business in Uganda.

As for FDC, their strategy lies in the taxation system. Kamya said that FDC would reduce taxes in order to encourage more production and consumption of goods produced locally. She said that by encouraging consumption and production, government would have a bigger tax base, which will lead to increased revenue that would be used to fund other government programs.

If we were to go by the articulation of issues, come February 23, many Ugandans who have attended Dr. Bwanika rally, or listened, or attended the debate would vote for the Independent Presidential candidate. We wait for Election Day!

Change to Party Politics Now Means Changing Lifestyle

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Ever since Ugandans voted in the 2005 referendum that the country returns to multiparty politics, many people’s life style has never been the same. The wind of political change has not only affected those in politics but almost every citizen in the way they greet, dress and speak among others.

In a referendum that was boycotted by the opposition and criticized by old political parties including the Uganda People’s Congress (UPC), the Democratic Party (DP) the Conservative Party (CP) and the new kids on the block Forum for Democratic Change (FDC), Ugandans voted to move from the one-party movement system to party politics.

President Yoweri Museveni who had by that time registered the National Resistance Movement-Organization political party surprisingly vehemently campaigned for the return to political pluralism following pressure from within the country and donors.

In Uganda, the opposition described the Movement system as a one-party dictatorship orchestrated by President Museveni to deny the opposition any chance of getting to power since the only ‘legal way’ to come to power was to contest under the system with which Museveni was chairman.

The opposition filed petitions challenging the legality of the Movement system and the Constitutional court ruled that the Movement was a political party, which had structures. Following this historical judgment, the opposition said that there was no need for even taking part in a referendum to choose on whether to retain the movement system or not.

To the opposition, the ruling National Resistance Movement and the rest of the Ugandans, this has been a big struggle to political liberation despite the long held fears that political parties are bad. At least for now, the law does not allow political parties formed on religious or tribal lines, something that had bogged the past party politics.

Despite all these measures, the effects of the new political dispensation have begun to be felt, not that people are fighting, but rather that they have to adjust their lifestyle to fit in the new political environment. In this article we will explore how political pluralism has changed the lifestyle of Ugandans particularly through the use of symbols, signs colors and speech.

Political Party colors:
For those planning to dress in red on Valentines Day (February 14) and you do not support the Uganda People’s Congress (UPC), you are doing the UPC proud indirectly. If you did not know, red in Uganda does not only mean love and danger. It is also UPC’s party color.

On the other hand, yellow no longer means jealous or mobile phone company-MTN’s color because the National Resistance Movement has also taken it on as the party’s color. Recently, an MTN street bash was mistaken for a rally organized by the National Resistance Movement that has gone beyond the official campaign time. According to the Uganda’s Electoral Commission, rallies are supposed to stop at 6:00pm.

And for those who have been associating the phone company, Uganda Telecom to President Yoweri Museveni, the tone may be changing as their newly launched blue color is also the color for the opposition Forum for Democratic Change.

Many people who are fond of dressing in green colors have had to think twice, since everything one in green is now taken for a support of the Democratic Party.

Party signs:
As required by law and the election regulations here in Uganda, every political organization is supposed to have a party sign/symbol. But these ones have an impact that is even more pronounced than the colors.

 

Thumbs-up victory sign for the NRM

Thumbs-up victory sign for the NRM:
In the cultures of many Ugandans and probably in Africa, a thumbs-up shows support but may also be interpreted by those who are unfortunate to be demeaning to them. The thumbs-up is also used to show someone that things are okay but you risk to use it for that purpose and it will be interpreted as supporting the ruling NRM party.

 

The palm sign for the UPC

The palm sign for the UPC:
If you do not want to be mistaken to be from the UPC, it is proper to say good-bye by word of mouth instead of waving. Why? Waving with your palm may also mean support for the UPC, one of Uganda’s oldest parties. The sign also reminds Ugandans of the good and bad times when the late Dr. Milton Obote was President. The sign was not only for the party but also remains a trademark for the fallen president.

 

The V-sign of the FDC

The V-sign of the FDC:
This is a sign that symbolizes victory. So, if you want to show that you are a victor in Uganda, you have to use another method, as this is a symbol for the FDC party. This captivating symbol that has taken the country by storm has however been interpreted by some people as a snake’s fangs waiting to eat Ugandans. That aside, the sign no longer symbolize victory but rather the FDC political party.

 

The fist of the DP

The fist of the DP:
If you are not a DP supporter, you have to think twice in order to show your strength, as the fist no longer represents strength but the Democratic Party, a party that believes that taking over power does not require guns but people’s power in the vote.

How is Uganda going to look like under party politics?
As the country moves to the ‘full blown’ party politics, many things are expected to happen as some people have begun demonstrating. A friend of mine who subscribes to the opposition Forum for Democratic Change recently told me he gave up putting on his yellow shirt because that would raise doubts on whether he is FDC or NRM.

Some Ugandans who used to put on red shirts but do not support the UPC have had to take them back to the bedroom while those in support are flocking the markets to buy the latest fashionable color in relation to their political belief. One only wonders if this is going to continue beyond the February 23rd elections.

Grant us Federalism or Quit, Nkangi Tells Museveni

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CONSERVATIVE Party (CP) President Jehoash Mayanja Nkangi has said President Yoweri Museveni should retire if he does not grant Buganda federal status.

In an interview in his office in Kampala on Friday, Nkangi said, “You cannot refuse to give people what they want and keep on leading them. This is a sign of promoting dictatorship.”
Nkangi said CP would endeavour to initiate, promote and enhance the sharing of power between the region and the centre so as to reduce monopoly of power.

He said the party would be registered in two week’s time. However, the breakaway faction, led by Lukyamuzi, has appointed Nsubuga Nsambu leader of the party. Lukyamuzi claims the two factions reconciled and agreed on the interim leader.

Nkangi dismissed the claim and described Lukyamuzi’s action as leadership by decree, adding, “Tosobola kutambula n’omuntu mukubo erimu nga temukiriziganya (You cannot walk with a person on the same road when you don’t agree on certain issues). Since 1996 Lukyamuzi’s has been a breakaway faction.”

He said he had reconciled with Lukyamuzi in principle, but not in details. “Our differences will be ironed out so that we can work together for the good of the party and the country.”
Lukyamuzi said the party would promote an army of a national character, recruited on a professional basis from all the regions of Uganda.

He vowed to make protection of the environment a national issue, adding, “We shall initiate and implement policies and laws which promote Uganda’s natural environment and biodiversity.”

Lukyamuzi announced that on March 4 at 2:00pm, CP would hold its first public rally in Nakasero.

Nsubuga Nsambu has announced that by early March, grassroot recruitment for the party will have started.

Pulkol Opposes Besigye Election

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DETAILS emerging from the meeting at the FDC headquarters at Najjanankumbi last Sunday indicate that David Pulkol was the only delegate who opposed the election of Col. (rtd) Kizza Besigye as party chairman.

Highly placed FDC sources said Pulkol, the former Director General of External Security Organisation, shot up and proposed that the post should be taken by the former Army Commander, Maj. Gen. (rtd) Mugisha Muntu.

But Muntu, who had been tipped to become the national mobiliser, seconded Besigye and moved a motion that nominations be closed. The motion was immediately adopted.
Pulkol told Sunday Vision that his comments were in good faith. “The country knows my anti-war stand, views on internal democracy and need for a greater coalition of all democratic forces not to hand over power to tyranny and corrupt cliques in 2006,” he explained. He added that his comrades should know that history is a hard judge. “We must exercise caution lest in solving one problem we create a bigger one.”

The purpose of the meeting was to draw strategies to win the elections next year.
Members voted Besigye because they think he is the most politically fierce and feared opposition leader in FDC who poses a formidable challenge to the NRM. Although the party has not yet picked a presidential candidate for the 2006 polls, it is widely believed Besigye will be the flag bearer.

“The strategy was to put a solid person, President Museveni fears most to lead FDC,” said one of the leaders.

Reagan Okumu said, “We are presenting a team, not individuals to lead the country. This team will deliver hope and take the country back on the democratic path.”
Okumu also said the FDC economic plan for the country would not be based on mere promises. “Our strategy for 2006 is what Ugandans want. We are presenting a humble and realistic economic programme that will be easy to implement,” he said.
FDC is a loose coalition of three organisations, the Reform Agenda headed by Besigye, the National Democratic Forum of Chapaa Karuhanga and the Parliamentary Advocacy Forum of Augustine Ruzindana. The three are among the politicians opposed to a Cabinet proposal to scrap the presidential term limits.

The party’s delegates’ conference is planned for June after the establishment of the structures and going through the primaries. Another delegates’ conference for electing the presidential candidate is slated for later this year.

Winning Buganda
The second strategy is how to capture votes in Buganda, which has been President Museveni’s stronghold. To tap votes from Buganda, FDC resolved that veteran politician Sam Njuba, its heaviest weight in the region, should be the Executive Coordinator, which in effect is the number two slot in the administration.

The focus then shifted to how catholics in Buganda can be brought on board. It was agreed that since Prince Kimera is very close to the church and to the Democratic Party and Mengo, he becomes one of the vice-chairpersons.

Kimera is a former task force member of the Col. Kizza Besigye 2001 election campaign team. He was also a Constituent Assembly delegate. He is said to be a good mobiliser.
Some Mengo officials were reportedly at the FDC office when elections were being held. They were, however, technically left out of the executive to comply with the constitutional provisions restricting traditional leaders’ involvement in partisan politics. The name of Prince David Wasajja, which had appeared on the initial list of executive members as a deputy to Muntu, was withdrawn on those grounds.

Northern Uganda votes
Four slots went to Acholi and West Nile Region to consolidate the support there. Prof. Ogenga Latigo was elected one of the vice-chairpersons, while Reagan Okumu, who has connections with the diplomatic community and has some influence in the Acholi region, was named deputy executive co-ordinator.

Kasiano Wadri, who defected from the Democratic Party to the FDC and fiery legislator Alex Onzima who has never hidden his hatred for president Museveni, were named vice-chairperson and deputy executive coordinator respectively.

Negotiations with Wadri reportedly took a long time. His defection is said to have severely affected the operations of the Democratic Party in the region.

MP John Drazu Arumadri (Madi Okollo) and MP in the sixth Parliament, Ali Gabe, are to play a major role in West Nile. Gabe, a veteran lawyer and a former CID officer, has been put in charge of the Human Rights desk. Hassan Fungaro from Obongi is to take on Obongi MP Pataki Amasi to capture the Moyo vote.

Gender balance
To balance the gender equation, Alice Alaso (Teso) Salaam Musumba (Busoga) and Beti Kamya were given slots in the executive. But in an executive of over 15 the three are the only women. MP Wandera Ogalo who has been instrumental in drafting the FDC documents is also expected to play a role in the Busoga region.

2001 lessons
The next strategy is to ensure that the confidence of the opposition supporters is restored. It had been noted that as a result of intimidation and arrests after the 2001 elections, many of Besigye’s supporters were scared of identifying with him. Former Army commander Maj. Gen. (rtd) Mugisha Muntu has been assigned the task of national mobiliser.

Western Uganda votes
In western Uganda FDC has targeted the key people President Museveni has relied on since the days of the struggle.

Former first Deputy Prime Minister Eriya Kategaya was elected as one of the envoys to sell the party. Ruzindana was elected one of the deputy executive co-ordinators.
Contrary to reports that these people had been sidelined, they are the ones who will run the show. According to the organisation structure, they will be answerable to the chairman. The choice of the two is also to re-assure the west that they will not lose out when FDC takes over power.

Others who will run the show in western Uganda are Muntu, Miria Matembe who is expected to head the party’s women’s league, Maj. (rtd) John Kazoora, Capt. (rtd) Guma Gumusiriza, Johnson Nkuuhe, Bunyaruguru MP Twabireho Ntungako and Capt. Charles Byaruhanga. But Matembe declined the position of chairperson of the women’s league.
FDC sources say East African Community Secretary General Col. (rtd) Amanya Mushega and former minister Richard Kaijuka are also expected to come on board once the party’s foundation has been set. According to the FDC strategy, they want to control Acholi, Ankole, Kigezi, Buganda and Busoga within three months after the launch of the party slated for next week.

For Kigezi region, James Garuga Musinguzi, MP Jack Sabiiti, former LC5 chairman Athanasia Rutaro and Rukingiri district speaker Ingrit Turinawe are expected to play a vital role in mobilisation. The other target is to end the political career of the Movement’s National Political Commissar Crispus Kiyonga in Kasese. To consolidate the vote there, MP Christopher Kibazanga is to spearhead the campaign. On the women’s front, FDC’s Winnie Kiiza is set to battle for the Kasese Woman seat with the incumbent Loyce Bwambale.

Eastern Uganda votes
Another FDC strategic intervention is to capture votes in Samia region and the greater Teso. FDC spokesman Wafula Oguttu is to prepare the ground in Samia, whose people are already disenchanted by the Uganda Revenue Authority’s hard stance on smuggling — their means of survival.

Those who will mobilise in the greater Teso include MPs Patrick Amuriat Oboi, Dr. Francis Epetait, Elijah Okupa and Alice Alaso. Soroti businessman Peter Omollo is being lined up to rout incumbent State minister for health Capt. Mike Mukula. But political temperatures in Teso only rise towards election time.

MP Geoffrey Ekanya (Tororo county) will be in charge of Tororo while MPs Nandala Mafabi and Wilfred Kajeke will represent Bugisu region. There are also high-level talks between FDC and Mbale UPC strongman Darlington Sakwa.
In Karamoja region Kotido LC5 chairman Adome Lokwi is the linkman to be assisted by a one Sylvia Anasa.

Pulkol, who hails from this region, turned down the position of head of research, manifesto and policy. he is now an ordinary member.
Other local leaders who have remained firm with FDC despite alleged intimidation from the state are also to be rewarded with positions in the party. Bushenyi district speaker Odo Tayebwa and other district leaders will join the mobilisation team.

International perspective
On the international frontline are Josephine Wapakhabulo, the daughter of the late foreign affairs minister, Sam Akaki who has been named external co-ordinator for UK and Anne Mugisha for the US. Others are Munini Mulera (Canada), Dr. Chris Kibuuka and Dr. Peter Angura for southern Africa.

The youth desk will for the meantime be headed by Aruu MP Odonga Otto. There were rumours that Otto had been in secret talks with the Movement to abandon the opposition. Otto will be deputised by Prossy Nambuya, who contested for the eastern youth seat in 2001 and a minister in the Buganda government.

Some members of the business community have also pledged financial support.
Winnie Byanyima, although not on the executive, is likely to play a key role as an envoy to lobby international bodies. Her position as head of the the gender desk at the African Union will help establish contacts with other African leaders.

FDC also intends to intensify their activities in South Africa, Tanzania, Rwanda, Sudan, the US, UK, EU and Japan. Neighbouring Kenya, however, does not play a pivotal role in Ugandan politics.

Federo! Give Us Ebyaffe

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Kabaka Mutebi Meets Museveni

THE government and Mengo Kingdom officials have agreed on a regional government for Buganda, with one regional assembly and an elected chairperson.
It has also been agreed that the Constitution be amended to say Kampala is located in the Buganda region but shall remain the capital city and a national asset administered by the central government. It will also remain outside the districts of Buganda. Nakasongola is not listed among Buganda’s districts.

Cabinet had, in the White Paper, proposed that where there is a traditional or cultural leader, there should be two regional councils — one political and administrative and the other cultural. It had also proposed that where there is no traditional leader, there should be one political and administrative regional council.

But, according to a working document seen by Sunday Vision, the Lukiiko will be composed of not more than 98 members, 82% of whom shall be directly elected by universal adult suffrage.
The remaining 18% shall be representatives of cultural interests nominated by the cultural leaders.

The women, youth and people with disabilities may be elected through electoral colleges. The federalism issue has been contentious and talks between the two parties had stalled over the type of federation and the composition of the Lukiiko.

The districts of Kalangala, Kayunga, Kiboga, Luweero, Masaka, Mpigi, Mubende, Mukono, Rakai, Sembabule and Wakiso, which will include Mengo municipality, shall be deemed to have agreed to form Buganda’s regional government. The Lukiiko is to meet on Monday to deliberate on the issue.

A Cabinet minister on Saturday said the federo issue would be in the Constitutional Amendment Bill, expected in Parliament next week. “We shall converge to make the final document on Monday. That chapter will be in the Bill,” the minister said.
Attempts to reach Defence Minister Amama Mbabazi, who has been chairing the meetings, were futile as he was not answering his phone.

The Kabaka will be the titular head of the regional government and the assembly. He shall open, address and close its sessions and enjoy benefits and privileges as provided for in the Constitution.

Under the new arrangement, a chairperson or Katikkiro, who shall be elected by universal adult suffrage, will lead the regional government. He or she will be the political and administrative head of the regional government.

In the White Paper, it had been proposed that the head of the majority side in the regional council would be elected to head the government.

The chairperson shall also be resident in the region. He shall be a citizen of Uganda by birth and one whose parents or grandparents are or were resident in the region and a member of the indigenous communities existing and residing within the borders of the region as per the date in the Constitution.

The chairperson shall also be qualified to be an Member of Parliament and shall be not less than 30 years and not more than 75 years old.

Except with the approval of the central government, the regional governments shall have no power to levy direct taxes. They will only levy surcharges.
Special interest groups shall include one woman representative from each district of the region, three persons with disabilities and three youth and the district chairperson of each district in the region.

Members of Parliament or the armed forces as well as ministers in the central government are barred from being members of the Lukiiko. The regional government shall have Cabinet ministers who shall not exceed 11 in number, except with the approval of the central government.

The ministers shall be nominated by the chairperson from within or outside the assembly and approved by the assembly. Those appointed from outside the assembly shall be ex-officio with no right to vote.

The regional government shall on matters of policy be under the Office of the President but on non-policy issues, it shall work with the relevant line ministries of the central government for the devolved functions like education, inter-district roads as well as regional referral hospitals.

High Court Releases Besigye from Luzira

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On the afternoon of Monday January 2, 2006, the High Court in Kampala ruled that Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) leader, Col. Dr. Kizza Besigye was free to go and be with his family and also continue his political journey.

Justice John Bosco Katutsi ruled that the prison authorities had no right to hold Col. Dr. Kizza Besigye without any legal instruments after the High Court granted the FDC leader interim bail.

The morning prior to the ruling, FDC’s special presidential envoy, Beti Olive Kamya had informed the Press during the party’s weekly press conference that Besigye might address the rally at Wakiso district headquarters at 4:00 pm.

Kamya said that whatever arguments the prison authorities and the General Court Martial might have presented to hold Besigye in Luzira, the question and fact before court was lack of legal instruments to hold him.

She said that the argument that Besigye is likely to run out of the country if let out of prison were lacking because the FDC president flew himself back to Uganda to face the charges in spite of the threatening letter to cabinet that he would face the charges.

The Genesis of the Monday ruling:
In November, the High Court granted Besigye, who is charged three counts of treason, concealment of treason and rap, interim bail. Following the ruling, it was expected that Besigye would be free to continue with his political program, which he has begun before being arrested at Busega near Kampala on his way from western Uganda where he was addressing rallies.

However, security operatives in black t-shirts belonging to the urban anti-terrorism squad besieged the High Court and led to the re-arrest of Besigye who was taken back to Luzira prison because accordingly he had other charges in the Court Martial.

At the General Court Martial, Besigye was facing charges of terrorism and illegal possession of illegal arms and was remanded to Luzira Maximum security prison up to November 25. According to his Lawyers, Besigye was illegally being detained since the High Court, which is higher than the Court Martial had granted him bail and the court was incompetent to try Besigye, who is now a civilian.

Besigye’s legal team and members of his party raised concern over their client and leader respectively being charged in two courts on related charges that were based on the same evidence.

This culminated into the High Court ruling stopping the proceedings of the army court until the Constitutional Court had ruled on whether the army court could try Besigye and his co-accused. The proceedings were stayed until the Constitutional Court makes a ruling in whether the Army Court has the mandate to try civilians and whether Besigye can be charged in two courts on related charges.

Besigye’s message shortly and after release:
In the New Year’s message read for him by FDC’s Presidential envoy, Beti Olive Kamya, Besigye reaffirmed his resolve ‘to go all the way, to use whatever he has and whatever it takes, to fight for unconditional freedom, constitutionalism and rule of law.

He said that one can only enjoy his rights as long as “the insatiable ambition of President Museveni to cling to power is not threatened’.

Shortly after Justice Katutsi made the ruling, Besigye who was in company of his wife, Winnie Byanyima said that he would continue his struggle. “We shall use all way possible to fight the dictatorship,” he told the journalists shortly before entering the Court Registrar’s office to sign some papers.

At that time, he was not sure whether he would be allowed to leave court a free man and continue his political work. “I do not know my next fate, but according to the program, we are going to sit and draw new plans for the campaigns,” he said.

Meanwhile, the prisons officials started leaving one by one until they left the police alone at the Court and the Military Police who had parked at the Central Police station raising hope that unless the military ‘abducts’ Besigye, he would be free to walk from court to wherever he wanted to go.

Besigye walks out of Court premises; tear gas and demonstrations rock the city:
The street fights between FDC/Besigye and anti riot police were going on following the news of the release. Police lost control of the situation as Besigye traveling in an open roof Pajero left the court showing the V-sign.

Besigye told his supporters who escorted him to his home that the Court decision showed the whole world that government was acting in disrespect of the laws in the country. “This is the government that we should vote out. “Egenda egenda (this government is going, it is going,” he said as he waved to the supporters.

What does governments make of Besigye release?
The Head of the government’s Media Center, Robert Kabushenga said that the release of Besigye by the court decision shows that government respects the judiciary. Both government and the opposition including Dr. Besigye say they want the law to take its course.

Kabushenga said during a radio talk show on Kfm-Andrew Mwenda Live that the opposition especially the FDC will no longer have an excuse that their candidate did not campaign and that that is why they did not win the elections.

Political temperature:
The political temperature is expected to gain more vigor with Besigye on the campaign trail. Supporters especially in the Eastern part of the country were demanding that Besigye addresses them first immediately he comes from prison. Although, the officials of the FDC say that there continued to get the crowds wherever they have campaigned, the absence of Besigye was constraining their efforts.

According to the FDC Chairman, Sulaiman Kiggundu, the detention of Besigye had both negative and positive consequences on their campaigns and the party’s support in the country.

“Some people supported him and the FDC because they realized that the government was bad and wanted change while others had a problem supporting a person they could not see or one they are not sure will come out of prison,” Kiggundu said during the party’s press conference on Monday.

The release of Besigye from prison may have reinforced the opposition against the incumbent, but it is likely to send the other candidates to oblivion and probably cause them to abandon the race. This is because Besigye, who has been in prison continued to get more coverage than even the incumbent who is on a countrywide campaign tour.

Fears of insecurity:
Some people Ultimate Media talked to say that they fear there is going to be a lot of insecurity as the competition for the top position in the country especially between Dr. Besigye and the incumbent Mr. Museveni becomes stiff.

Other people are worried about the general outcome of the elections more than the cases that Besigye is grappling with the courts of law. Some people especially the older generation are concerned that whoever wins between president Yoweri Museveni and Besigye, there is likely to be bloodshed because the two may not reconcile.

Those who believe so much in the pastors also fear that Besigye may end up being killed. This follows the prophecy by renowned Miracle Center Cathedral born again church pastor Robert Kayanja that one of the Presidential candidates is going to die, one is going to pull out of the race and that the winner will win with 61.8 percent.

It may be recalled that the same Kayanja prophesied that there would be an earth quake in the East African Rift Valley and it happened and that there would be a big change in the Kenyan government and President Kibaki fired his entire cabinet.

However, those in opposition say that Pastor Kayanja who is a confidant of President Yoweri Museveni could be using the prophecy to show that Mr. Museveni is already a winner.

Has Besigye and FDC got any advantage in the campaigns?
Although their leader was in jail, the FDC leaders have been traversing the country looking for the votes for the party and the presidential candidate. At every rally, they would reserve a seat for Besigye’s portrait to symbolize his presence.

However, this was not enough because the person of Besigye moves many people more than even the party can do. With over a month and a half and the fact that FDC which has been campaigning in different areas at the same time, Besigye has had his work eased.

The problem is that all supporters would want him to meet them personally yet the time is not his best ally. He has to be appearing in Court over the charges he is facing as well.

On the whole the arrest, detention and release of Besigye, according to many Ugandans is a blessing for the FDC leader and his party. Some people including those from President Museveni’s camp have even said that the arrest of Besigye made him more popular and that the president had become Besigye’s chief campaign manager.

The campaigns have just started and Ugandans are anxiously waiting for not only the outcome of the elections but also the aftermath of the polls as the religious leaders of all faith continue to pray for peace.

Uganda National Parks Named Among Top 15 Africa’s Finest

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A prominent South African magazine has named two of Uganda’s national parks among the 15 best wild places in Africa. In its April 2004 issue, Getaway Magazine listed Murchison Falls National Park and Bwindi Impenetrable National Park as the 7th and 8th best wild places in Africa respectively.

As the name suggests, Murchison Falls National Park, has the magnificent Murchison Falls that have rendered many a tourist breathless when they catch sight of the stunning Falls.

The magazine describes the six-meter gorge through which “the River Nile has to squeeze at the Murchison Falls before plunging 45 meters into a rock wall”.

“A must-experience during a visit to the Murchison Falls National Park is an 11-kilometre boat trip past all manner of great creatures and giant tamarind trees to the foot of the Falls,” the magazine adds.

Bwindi Impenetrable National Park, which was named eighth best wild place in Africa, was described as a ‘quintessential equatorial jungle’.

The Getaway Magazine notes that Bwindi supports more species of trees, ferns and butterflies than any other forest in East Africa.

“Searching for mountain gorillas is like a game of hide and seek, in which the guides know where they were the day before, pick up their trail the next day, and track them down, the magazine describes, adding that, “When a group (of gorillas) is found, the hardship is worth it.

The rankings are contained in an article titled, “Best Wild Places” authored by journalists, Don Pinnock and David Bristow, who traversed the continent in search of the best wild places.

Tanzania’s Ruaha Game Reserve and Serengeti National Park were chosen as the two best wild places in Africa, with the Kruger National Park in South Africa taking third place.

The Okavango Delta in Botswana, Kgalagadi Reserve in both South Africa and Botswana, and the Simiens Mountain National Park in Ethiopia were named fourth, fifth and sixth best wild places respectively.

Other countries whose national parks were listed among the best include Zambia, Mozambique, Madagascar, Democratic Republic of Congo, Namibia and Zimbabwe. Kenya was the only country in East Africa whose national parks were not among the rankings.

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